Showing posts with label military obituaries. Show all posts
Showing posts with label military obituaries. Show all posts

Wednesday, 28 March 2018

General Manuel Noriega


Manuel NoriegaImage copyrightVISNEWS
General Manuel Noriega was one of long line of Latin American military leaders who rose to take political power.
Although he was never elected to office he became the de facto leader of Panama serving a six year tenure as military governor.
A strong supporter of the United States he became a key ally in Washington's attempts to battle the influence of communism in central America.
But it was eventually the US that brought about his downfall and his subsequent imprisonment for drugs trafficking and money laundering.
Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno was born in Panama City on 11 Feb 1934. His family lived in extreme poverty but he was adopted as a young boy and went on to study at a military academy in Peru.
It was here that, according to various accounts, his pro-US leanings were noticed by the CIA with whom he worked for the next three decades. He was soon recognised as a prize asset in a region that was becoming politically hostile to US interests in the wake of the Cuban Revolution.
Gen Omar TorrijosImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionGen Omar Torrijos led the military coup in which Noriega took part
He rose within the ranks of the Panamanian armed forces and became a key supporter of Gen Omar Torrijos, who led the coup which toppled President Arnulfo Arias in 1968.
Noriega's support was recognised with promotion and appointment as chief of military intelligence.
After Gen Torrijos's death in a mysterious plane crash in 1981, Noriega became the power behind the scenes as head of the security services.

Beheaded

The US relied on Panama as a regional listening post and Noriega obliged with unfaltering support for the Contras in Nicaragua, and in the fight against the FMLN guerrillas in El Salvador.
In 1983 Noriega became commander of the armed forces in succession to Rubén Darío Paredes on the understanding that Paredes would stand as president. However, Noriega reneged on the deal, arrested Paredes and promoted himself to general becoming the de facto ruler of Panama.
He began to play an increasingly repressive role internally in Panama. He called a halt to the counting of votes in the 1984 presidential elections when it became clear his own nominee was going to lose by a landslide.
Manuel NoriegaImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionNoriega (c) played an increasingly repressive role in Panama
A year later one of his most vocal political opponents Hugo Spadafora, was seized on his way back to Panama and later found beheaded.
Noriega allegedly played a role in the mid-1980s Iran-Contra affair, which involved the smuggling of weapons and drugs to aid US undercover efforts to support the anti-government forces opposing the Sandinistas in Nicaragua.
However, the US became increasingly suspicious of Noriega amid indications that he was selling his services to other intelligence bodies, not to mention drug-trafficking organisations.

Heavy metal

These tensions became public in 1988 when Noriega was indicted in a US federal court on drug-trafficking charges.
The 1989 presidential election descended into farce. With the opposition certain of a comfortable victory Noriega blocked publication of the results. Former US president Jimmy Carter, in the country as an observer, declared that the election had been stolen.
By mid-December that year, ties with the US had deteriorated so far that President George H W Bush launched an invasion, ostensibly because a US marine had been killed in Panama City, although the operation had been months in the planning.
Buildings blaze during the US invasion of PanamaImage copyrightUS ARMY
Image captionBuildings on fire after US troops invaded Panama in 1989
Noriega sought refuge in the Vatican's diplomatic mission in Panama City. The US tactic to flush him out was to play deafening pop and heavy metal music non-stop outside the building.
By 3 January 1990, it had worked and Noriega surrendered. He was flown to the US with prisoner of war status to face charges of drug-trafficking, money-laundering and racketeering.
His trial there was an international spectacle that revealed titillating details of his personal life including a suggestion that he wore red underwear to ward off the "evil eye".

Money laundering

More seriously he was refused permission by the court to cite details of his work for the CIA in his own defence. The government opposed such disclosures on the grounds it was classified information.
He was released from a Miami jail in 2007 having had his original 30 year sentence reduced to 17 on the grounds of his good behaviour but his legal problems were far from over.
In 1999 a French court had convicted him in absentia of using $3m in proceeds from Colombia's Medellin drug cartel to buy property in France.
Manuel NoriegaImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionThere were indications he was aiding drug traffickers
In March 2010, the US Supreme Court agreed to a French request extradite him to Paris, where he faced a new trial for money-laundering. Noriega, who denied the charges, was found guilty and sentenced to seven years.
The sentence was criticised by Alberto Almanza who headed the Truth Commission on rights abuses under Noriega's rule.
"He'll die in in prison," Mr Almanza said. "And with him the truth."

Lawsuit

His legal odyssey took another turn on 23 November 2011 when a French court approved a request from Panama to send him back home, where he was convicted in absentia of murder, corruption and embezzlement.
He refused the chance to appeal the decision and flew out of Paris on 11 December 2011, escorted by a team of Panamanian officials and a doctor.
On his arrival in Panama he was placed in the El Renacer prison. It was from his cell in July 2014 that he instigated a lawsuit claiming that the company behind the video game Call of Duty: Black Ops II had used his image without permission.
His main complaint was that the game depicted him as a "kidnapper, murderer, and enemy of the state".
Manuel Noriega was an opportunist who used his close relationship with the United States to boost his own power in Panama and to cover the illegal activities for which he was eventually convicted.
A US Senate sub-committee once described Washington's relationship with Noriega as one of the United States' most serious foreign policy failures.

Helmut Kohl


Helmut Kohl
Helmut Kohl earned his place in history by securing the successful reunification of Germany after the collapse of communism.
His 16 years in office made him the longest-serving German chancellor since Bismarck and he was once described as the greatest European leader in the second half of the 20th Century.
He was a passionate supporter of greater European integration and was one of the main architects of the Maastricht Treaty.
Yet the end of his career was marred by economic problems in the old East Germany and a financial scandal within his own CDU party.
Helmut Josef Michael Kohl was born on 3 April 1930 into a conservative, Catholic family,
His political outlook was shaped by his experiences in his hometown of Ludwigshafen in the Rhineland during World War Two.
Because of its huge chemical works, the town was heavily bombed and, at the age of 12, the young Helmut found himself helping to recover the charred bodies of his neighbours from the rubble. What he once described as "the blessing of a late birth" freed him from any taints of Nazism.
Helmut KohlImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionHe became the youngest minister-president in 1969
After studying politics and law at Heidelberg University, Kohl entered politics in the German federal system where, in the Rhineland Palatinate, he rose to become the youngest Land [federal state] minister-president at the age of 39.
He built up a large network of political allies and forced through important changes, among them the law that outlawed denominational schools unless 80% of the parents approved.
Three years later, Kohl became national chairman of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the dominant post-war West German political party.
He was the CDU's candidate for chancellor in the 1976 election, but was defeated by the Social Democrat/Free Democrat coalition of Helmut Schmidt.

Golden age

Four years later, Kohl looked on as another CDU candidate, and great rival, the Bavarian Prime Minister Franz Josef Strauss, also went down to defeat by Schmidt.
A bear of a man, Kohl was often ridiculed for his love of food - one nickname being "Birne" or pear - and for his often clumsy provincial manner. Beyond this, Kohl's critics relentlessly mocked him for what they said was his lacklustre oratory and apparent lack of vision.
But many underestimated his ability to wield power, which he managed through a complex, but highly effective, network of patronage and political cronies.
Helmut Kohl & Margaret Thatcher in 1983Image copyrightPA
Image captionHe clashed with Margaret Thatcher over greater European integration
In 1982, after the Free Democrats had left the ruling coalition, he took over as chancellor from Helmut Schmidt, and would go on to win the next four general elections, staying in power for 16 years.
The 1980s witnessed a golden age of German economic and political power. Together with his closest ally, France's President Mitterrand, Kohl shaped the federal ideal of the European Union and laid the groundwork for the creation of the single currency.
In 1987 there was a groundbreaking visit to West Germany by the East German leader, Erich Honecker. It was part of Kohl's policy of detente with the East, something his party had firmly rejected just 20 years before.
Two years later, the Berlin Wall came down and Kohl began the negotiations that would lead to reunification.

Economic dislocation

Having realised that Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's attempts to reform communism would fail, Kohl persuaded him to withdraw from East Germany, while allowing a reunited Germany to remain a member of Nato.
The 350,000 Soviet troops based in the East were sent home, the costs borne by the West German government. On 3 October 1990, East Germany ceased to exist with its five historical states becoming part of the new federal republic.
Kohl's drive for reunification was not welcomed by everyone, with Israel's Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir publicly opposing it. While broadly welcomed by the West, there were concerns, notably in Britain and Poland, that a strong unified Germany would come to dominate the continent.
But Kohl was able to convince Gorbachev and US President George HW Bush that a united Germany would not destabilise or threaten Europe in the way Hitler's Germany had done.
"George Bush was for me the most important ally on the road to German unity," he said.
Kohl also made the political decision to grant East Germans immediate economic parity, even though his central bankers told him of the massive economic dislocation this would incur. They predicted correctly that Germany's economy would be badly affected for a decade.
Even so, Helmut Kohl had pulled off a remarkable political coup that might not have occurred had he dithered. But the huge economic repercussions of reunification robbed him of some of the popularity he might have expected, particularly in the former East where, during one visit, he was pelted with eggs.
Under his rule, the East suffered an economic collapse, with high rates of poverty and unemployment the norm. And the costs of reunification led to an economic downturn throughout Germany.

Strained relationship

He was slow to respond when neo-Nazis burned down the homes of immigrant Turkish families and hostels for refugees from Africa. He sometimes pushed aside the concerns of smaller nations to the east, like the Czechs and the Poles.
And he had a strained relationship with the UK and other countries that did not share his vision of a federal Europe.
Chief among Kohl's perceived antagonists was Margaret Thatcher. In a revealing volume of autobiography, published in 2005, he alleged that her anger boiled over in December 1989 after she was obliged to sign a communique supporting German reunification.
Angela Merkel & Helmut KohlImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionHe joined Angela Merkel at the 20th anniversary of German reunification in 2010
"I will never forget Margaret Thatcher's angry observation: 'We have beaten the Germans twice. Now they're back.'"
After he lost power in elections in 1998, it was revealed that Kohl had accepted, for his party, millions of dollars of secret political donations.
Despite refusing to name the donors, and despite his destroying much potentially incriminating evidence before he left the chancellery, he was spared possible corruption charges out of respect for his years of leadership.
But his reputation was badly damaged. To his opponents, Helmut Kohl could be insensitive and a bully. The suicide of his wife, Hannelore, in July 2001, seemed to exemplify his political and personal eclipse.
In 2010, an ailing Helmut Kohl joined Chancellor Angela Merkel in celebrations to mark the 20th anniversary of German reunification, something that will be seen as his greatest achievement.
"I have been underestimated for decades," he once said. "I have done very well that way."

Tuesday, 21 March 2017

Martin McGuinness

Martin McGuinnessImage copyright
Martin McGuinness was the IRA leader who became a peace negotiator - a committed Irish republican who ended up shaking hands with the Queen.
Together with Gerry Adams, he was the main republican architect of the move towards a political solution to Northern Ireland's problems.
His life followed an extraordinary trajectory between violence and politics, moving from being a senior commander in the IRA to helping broker talks that eventually led to the peace negotiations of the 1990s.
Eventually, he became Northern Ireland's deputy first minister, forging an unlikely alliance with Ian Paisley, the DUP leader who was the fiercest - and loudest - critic of the republican movement.
Martin McGuinness and Gerry AdamsImage copyright
Image captionHe and Gerry Adams came to the conclusion that a political solution was the way forward
They developed such a rapport in their years in government that they became poster boys for modern politics, earning the nickname The Chuckle Brothers.
James Martin Pacelli McGuinness was born into a large family living in the deprived Bogside area of Londonderry on 23 May 1950. His unusual third name was a tribute to Pope Pius XII.
He attended Derry's St Eugene's Primary School and, having failed the 11-plus exam, he went to the Christian Brothers technical college, known locally as Brow o' the Hill.
McGuinness developed such a rapport with Ian Paisley, the pair earned the nickname The Chuckle BrothersImage copyright
Image captionMcGuinness's rapport with Ian Paisley earned the pair the nickname The Chuckle Brothers
He did not enjoy his time at college and his failure to qualify for grammar school rankled.
"It is my opinion," he later said, "that no education system has the right to tell any child at the age of 10 and 11 that it's a failure."
He was working as a butcher's assistant when Northern Ireland's Troubles erupted in the late 1960s. Angry about the rough handling of protesters demanding civil rights for Catholics, McGuinness was quickly drawn into the ranks of the IRA.
Born in the deprived Bogside area of Derry, McGuinness was drawn into the ranks of the IRA when trouble erupted in the 1960sImage copyright
Image captionMcGuinness was born in the deprived Bogside area of Derry
By January 1972, when soldiers from the Parachute Regiment killed 14 people in his hometown on what became known as Bloody Sunday, McGuinness was second in command of the IRA in the city.
The Saville Inquiry concluded he had probably been armed with a sub-machine-gun on the day, but had not done anything that would have justified the soldiers opening fire.
In April 1972, BBC reporter Tom Mangold walked with McGuinness through the "no-go area" then known as Free Derry.
As education minister, McGuinness abolished the 11-plus exam, saying no system has the right to tell a child at the age of 10 or 11 that they were a failureImage copyright
Image captionAs education minister, McGuinness abolished the 11-plus exam, saying no system had the right to tell a child of 10 or 11 that they were a failure
Mangold described McGuinness as the officer commanding the IRA in the city and asked if the organisation might stop its bombing campaign in response to public demand.
The 21-year-old McGuinness made no attempt to contradict the reporter, explaining that the IRA "will always take into consideration the feelings of the people of Derry and those feelings will be passed on to our general headquarters in Dublin".
Martin McGuinness front left and Martin Galvin (front right) carry coffin of Chuck English, at an IRA funeral in Derry, August 1985Image copyright
Image captionMartin McGuinness (front left) and Martin Galvin (front right) carry the coffin of Chuck English at an IRA funeral in Derry, August 1985
Together with Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness was part of an IRA delegation that held unsuccessful talks with the British government in London in July 1972.
The following year he was convicted of IRA activity by the Republic of Ireland's Special Criminal Court after being caught with a car containing explosives and nearly 5,000 rounds of ammunition.
Security chiefs were in no doubt that he was a key figure in the IRA as it reorganised and rearmed in the 1980s.

Chief of staff

Among its most high-profile attacks was the attempt to kill Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher at the Grand Hotel in Brighton in 1984.
Thatcher wanted to starve the IRA of what she called the "oxygen of publicity", so was furious when the BBC broadcast a Real Lives documentary in 1985 featuring McGuinness, who was unashamed of his reputation.
Driving a car through the Bogside, he told the documentary makers that reports suggesting he was chief of staff of the IRA were untrue, "but I regard them as a compliment".
McGuinness at the funeral of Brendan Burns in March 1988Image copyright
Image captionMcGuinness at the funeral of Brendan Burns in March 1988
He was later accused of having advance knowledge of the 1987 Enniskillen Remembrance day bombing - something he denied.
The mother of an alleged IRA informer claimed McGuinness had played a role in luring her son home to his death.
He was also thought to have approved proxy bombings, such as the murder of army cook Patsy Gillespie, in which hostages were forced to drive car bombs which were then detonated before they could get away.
But behind the scenes, Martin McGuinness engaged in secret contacts with British agents which laid the groundwork for the IRA ceasefires and peace negotiations of the 1990s.
Labour's Tony Benn speaking to McGuinness during a SinnFéin news conference on the prospect of the closure of the Northern Ireland Assembly
Image captionLabour's Tony Benn speaking to McGuinness during a Sinn Féin news conference on the prospect of the closure of the Northern Ireland Assembly
When the Good Friday Agreement led to the creation of a devolved government at Stormont, he became education minister. One of his first acts was to abolish the 11-plus examination which he had failed many years before.
Devolution proved an on-off affair, but in 2007 the hardline Democratic Unionists were persuaded to share power with Sinn Féin.
The public witnessed the almost unbelievable sight of Martin McGuinness forging not just a political partnership, but what looked like a genuine friendship with one of his erstwhile enemies, the DUP leader Ian Paisley.
"Ian Paisley and I never had a conversation about anything - not even about the weather," he said in 2007.
"And now we have worked very closely together over the last seven months and there's been no angry words between us.
"This shows we are set for a new course."
Martin McGuinness shakes hands with the Queen in 2012Image copyright
Image captionHis 2012 handshake with the Queen was seen as a landmark in the peace process
His relationships with Ian Paisley's successors appeared cooler.
But as dissident Irish republicans tried to derail the peace project, the now deputy first minister denounced them as "traitors to the island of Ireland". He left no doubt that he believed violence could no longer serve a purpose, declaring: "My war is over."
Martin McGuinness failed in his bid to become Irish head of state in the presidential election of 2011.
But he later struck up an apparent rapport with the British head of state, shaking hands with the Queen on more than one occasion.
In 2012, he announced he was standing down as the Member of Parliament for mid-Ulster although, in common with other Sinn Féin MPs, he had never taken his seat at Westminster.
The relationship between McGuinness and DUP leader Arlene Foster was less amicable than the one he shared with PaisleyImage copyright
Image captionThe relationship between McGuinness and DUP leader Arlene Foster was less amicable than the one he shared with Paisley
He unexpectedly quit his post as deputy first minister in January 2017 following a row over a botched scheme, overseen by then First Minister Arlene Foster, to provide renewable energy for Northern Irish households which could end up costing the taxpayer £500m.
Ill health was also a factor in his decision to stand down. When he arrived at Stormont to hand in his resignation, he looked visibly frail.
He told the BBC it was "a big decision" and he would not stand for re-election.
"The honest answer is that I am not physically capable or able to fight this election, so I will not be a candidate," he said.
His resignation triggered an election in Northern Ireland as, under the peace agreement, the executive cannot function if one side walks out. In the event, the 2 March poll saw Sinn Féin making gains that ended the unionist majority in Stormont.
Michelle O'Neill, the new Sinn Féin leader in the north is embraced by Martin McGuinnessImage copyright
Image captionIn January 2017 he congratulated Michelle O'Neill, who replaced him as the northern leader of Sinn Féin
Martin McGuinness married Bernadette Canning in 1972 and the couple had four children. Away from politics he enjoyed Gaelic football and hurling, both of which he had played in his younger days.
He was also keen on fly-fishing and cricket.
As an IRA leader, there is no doubt Martin McGuinness was hated and feared. But as a peacemaker, he possessed a personal charisma that he used to win over at least some of those who had viewed him with suspicion.
Moreover, his reputation as a hard man gave him the authority among Irish republicans to deliver major concessions, such as IRA disarmament and acceptance of a reformed police service.